Sunday, October 31, 2010

Challenges that Mali is facing.

This week, I would like to focus on the environmental issues that Mali is facing at the moment. Under this umbrella, the major problem in Mali is actually its increasing desertification. In addition, there are of course also soil erosion, deforestation as well as the loss of pastureland that follow. Apart from the woods, Mali also faces a very inadequate supply of water : with only 74% of the city dwellers and 61% of those who live in the rural areas have access to pure water. While the country has 60 cu km of renewable water resources, a large majority (97%) goes towards farming and 1% is used for industrial purposes, leaving very limited amount for actual drinking. Although Mali has large reservoirs, another problem is that they are distributed very unevenly. During the great droughts in the 70s and 80s, hundreds of thousands of animals died of thirst at the edge of the Sahara. The sustainable utilization of water reserve is actually one of the 9 programmes of the National Aids Programmes (NAP) for the United Nations Convention Combat Desertification (UNCCD implementation). Here is an interestingly ironic photo that combines the two environmental problems that Mali is facing:

Well in Mali inside a dessert: The battle for water threatens the peaceful future of the world.
Returning to the readings this week, some of them actually document some interesting environmental issues rooted in Mali too. Starting with "Climate Patterns and Land-Use Practices in the Dry Zones of Africa" by Ellis and Galvin, they noted that the interannual CV recorded at the arid zone stations in Mali is approximately 39%, which is a much more clear and consistent trend than the one observed in East African arid station. From this observation, we learn that shifts in rain-fall between wet and dry phases are clearly discernible in the West Africa, with a very serious 20-30 year periods of above-normal rainfall level. This problem actually caused large scale livestock morality, human migration as well as transitional shifts in ecosystem structure, thus requiring sustainable actions from international aids organizations. 
Secondly, moving onto "Indigenous use of Wetlands and sustainable development in West Africa" by Adams, he talks a lot about the wetland problem there. We learned that there exist major wetlands in the Delta Interieure of the River Niger in Mali; this Niger Inland Delta is vital because it supports 550,000 people, and more importantly, in the dry season provides grazing for about 1 million cattle and 2 million sheep and goats. There are also 80,000 fishermen there, and the Delta also supports the farming of 17,000 hectares of rice, which amounts to half the total area of rice in Mali! We see that these floodplain wetlands provide important pastoral resources for habitants in West Africa. In the Niger Inland Delta in particular, there are about half a million people, including farmers, fisherman and two groups of pastoralists. Interestingly, the productivity of the Niger Inland Delta depends on the fact that the period of high flood is different from that of the local rains because the Niger actually draws water from the Futa Jallon far to the south-west. The rains fall on the Delta between June and Sept annually and fall between January and March - resulting in a dry delta between April and June. From then on, the Delta will be extensively used for grazing between December and July, this period actually supports over 1 million cattle and 2 million sheep and goats, which represent a 20% of the total numbers of livestocks in Mali! This way of living creates much more options for people living with scarce resources, and more livestock assets mean more security for the poor. 

A very nice photo showing livestock grazing on an island in the River Niger. 
Fortunately, from my research, I realized that a lot of international organizations are taking many initiatives in Mali for environment preservation, most notably the PEI-Mali (Poverty-environment initiative) carried out by the UNDP. PEI-Mali started in April 2005 and had been scaled-up in 2007-2008 as a joint initiative between the Mali Government, UNDP-Mali and PEI-Africa. It focuses on capacity building for a better articulation of the environment policy with the national development planning processes. Here I would like to end with two major activities of the PEI during years 2005-2007: firstly, they spent a lot of time on training of academics, policy makers, economists and CSOs to the techniques of Integrated Ecosystem Assessment( IEA), which will in the long run lead to a better understanding of the links between Poverty and Environment in the country-decision-making level. Secondly, during their "Identification of the geographical areas (priority intervention sites)", they found that the linkages between Poverty and Environment is the most critical in Mali! They then conducted a follow-up in 12 districted located in the 3 most poverty-environment vulnerable regions in Mali, and identified potential small-scale poverty-environment community projects that could be carried out by the local government. 
 

Sunday, October 24, 2010

Finding the “Past” in the Dogon Country


Continuing my blog post from last week, I will explore how the “past” or history has marked itself on Dogon Country (land of legends and mysticism)'s landscape this week. Let's begin with a simple skeletal time line of the Dogon Country, which should then reveal itself how the past actually has heavily influenced the present landscape or architect of the Dogon Country.

3200 BC In Mali, West Africa, lives a tribe of people called the Dogon. The Dogon are believed to be of Egyptian decent and their astronomical lore goes back thousands of years ago.
Approx 1300 The Dogon people migrated here from the surrounding plains in about 1300 AD as a refuge from other groups entering the area introducing Islam. Today 35 per cent f Dogon people are Muslim but most still follow their traditional religion. A small minority are Christian.
1490 AD Around 1490 AD, fleeing invaders and/or drought, they migrated to the Bandiagara cliffs of central Mali. The concentration of Dogon villages of the Bandiagara escarpment are one of the most recognizable sights in Mali.
1862 AD Doors of grain-stores are decorated with carvings and paintings of figures that represent the celestial ancestors of the Dogon.
1893 AD After the French arrived in this year, slave raids ended, and the Dogon expanded into the plains around the plateau. This migration severed the Dogon from their religious sites, paving the way for Islam and Christianity.
1920 AD The invading French colonial powers finally managed to 'pacify' the Dogon in 1920, but thereafter almost completely ignored this tiny, isolated, resourceless , semi-desert patch of the vast territory of French West Africa.While their distinctive civilization was able to withstand these military onslaughts, modern tourism is proving to be much more powerful than any invading army, as a force for change.
1931 AD They gained the attention of the Western world through the publications of Marcel Griaule, who traveled through Dogon country during the famous Dakar–Djibouti mission in 1931.
1960 AD Formerly known as the Sudanese Republic, Mali finally gained independence and became the Republic of Mali in 1960.



I think the best starting point to record the “past”'s footprints on the Dogon landscape is their escapism from the Islamic spread during the 1300s, approximately 700 years ago. Originally, the ancestors of the Dogon came from Mande, an area in southwest Mali and northeast Guinea that was home to the thirteenth-century Mali empire. The Dogon people migrated after the empire's collapse to the cliffs of the Bandiagara plateau – resulting in the nowadays striking images of villages perched along the escarpment. As I mentioned last week, Mali’s Dogon tribe as a race fled southward into their current home, the Bandiagara Escarpment, to escape slave raids from Muslim kingdoms to the north; because the Dogon were on the run from the physical spread of Islam, they wanted their new settlements to be highly secured; therefore, instead of constructing houses at the base of the cliffs or on the flat lands of the hill tops, they built their villages into the cliff faces directly! - resulting in today's prominent architectural landscape of the Dogon country, a direct example of how the past influences the present day. An interesting fact is that the Dogon people weren't actually the first ones to do this type of “built-in” houses. Before the Dogon arrived here, the previous inhabitants – the Tellen, had already built their own villages into the cliffs, and the remains of these ancient dwellings can still be seen high up on the falaise. Nobody is quite sure how the Tellem actually reached their houses, but it's possible that the escarpment was forested back in the days, so they could have climbed trees, or they could have dropped ropes from the top of the escarpment and climbed down! Whatever it was, these Tellem houses definitely built another layer of “past” full of weird mystique to a landscape that's already quite strange.



Moreover, the complex Dogon cosmology is made materially manifest in both villages and house form. The Dogon House, for example, is described by historian Zahan as repsenting a human being, stretched out on his right, his procreative side, a position which is equally that of the man on the conjugal bed and of the corpse in the tomb. Increasingly, more and more Dogons are converting is Islamic religion, which results in mosque being a new feature of many Dogon villages, once again an example showing how the past connects to the present in Dogon landscapes.

Sunday, October 17, 2010

A site in Mali : the Dogon Country

My region of focus is Mali, and regarded today as the peak tourism area in Mali, the Dogon Country is an area surrounding the famous Bandiagara escarpment cliff, comprising a number of indigenous villages. After the lectures and readings on trying to establish a more-closely-linked relationship between landscape and humans, I thought that The Dogon Country is the perfect site for me to discuss due to its richly religious and indigenous culture, in which almost the most banal objects, carry a sacred value and a symbolic meaning. For example, I was surprised to find out that even the shape of the humble Dogon Basket is symbolic to the locals: its square-shaped base refers to the cardinal points while the circular-shaped top symbolizes the celestial vault.


When one talks about Mali, Timbuktu and Djenne are often what pop up in the mind; whereas these two places have been to known to the Europeans for centuries already, The Dogon Country has only been studied from 1931 onwards. The appeal of the Dogon Country is an intertwined two-fold : the landscape and the culture, “intertwined” because the landscape is heavily influenced by its culture. The escarpment is dotted with the unique villages of the Dogon people, who migrated to this area approximately 7 centuries ago to escape the Islamic attack into West Africa. Fortunately, it's an area that has managed to remain relatively untouched by tourism's effect, its still full of donkey tracks and people speak Dogon instead of French, which is a rather refreshing sight in Mali. To tackle the seemingly overwhelming architecture style in Dogon, it is crucial for one to study the “Dogon Comosgony” first. This brings me back to our previous readings on “Glimpses of Ideology and Cosmology in the Iconography of Tombstones from the Loango Coast of Central Africa” by Denbow; while the cosmology employed is different in Central Africa compared to Dogon, the underlying intention remains constant. Dogon Comosgony explains the deepest secret of the Dogon people, which is their faith : it accompanies every aspect of their daily life and most importantly, leaves its footprints on Dogon architecture.


Let me begin with a more physical overview of the Dogon village before moving into the cosmology. As mentioned before, the Dogon were on the run from the Islamic spread, so they wanted their new villages to be secure; as a result, instead of building at the base of the cliffs or on the flat cliff tops, they unconventionally built their villages into the cliff faces themselves. Another level of protection comes from the villages' “protective color”. Dogon villages are initially hard to spot: the escarpment is of brownish red color and since the Dogon built their houses out of mud, these houses blend into the background perfectly.While building space is obviously scarce here, no settlements will be built on the plain/plateau since it is considered as “dangerous” (due to its easy-to-spot feature) and also reserved for crop-cultivation.

Going into the Dogon Cosmogony now, each respective village in the Dogon country is a montage of familal dwellings called the “guinna”, which has square terraces and granaries for millet storage with pointy roofs made from straw. Here comes the extraordinary part : regarding its organization, each village is arranged as to represent a Human Figure, which from my perspective, can be a perfect amplified application of Guerts' anthropological senses “Seselelame”. Furthermore, each village is concentrated with temple-like places, you can hardly walk 100 m without seeing a rock statue or an altar with traces of animal blood for sacred purposes. Most of the temples here are used for rituals for the Bunou Cult and worshipping of Amma (the creator of all things. These shrines' fronts are seasonally decorated with symbolic geometric signs, which are equivalent to our actual writings.
There are also the “toguna”, which are buildings for men to hold their councils and women are strictly forbidden. An interesting fact is that “tongua” all have very low ceiling on purpose, this is to prevent any discussion from turning into stand-up arguments. Another captivating observation is that there are special houses built solely for menstruating women since the community ought not to have any interaction with these “impure” women; these houses are differentiated from other houses with their round structure. These two incidents are example showing how Dogon landscapes are a result of their religious faith.

A Toguna in Mali, with low-ceiling
Overall, I would say that entering The Dogon Country is almost similar to discovering a temple, a visitor will have to accept, and appreciate, all the seemingly radical yet strange traditions of this cultural universe, whose values rest almost entirely on an extremely complex combination of philosophy and religion. Last but not the least, here's an amazing video that I found from the official Dogon Country tourism site, it precisely features all the signature architecture of Dogon, enjoy!

Sunday, October 10, 2010

2 Book Reviews "The Language of landscape" & “Imagining Serengeti: A History of Landscape Memory in Tanzania from Earliest Times to the Present”

Re-definition has become a very important concept to me in this class, so far, as re-visiting my previous entries, I have learnt to re-define “mapping” and “senses”. This week, however, Spirn's “The language of landscape” hits the spot for me, a re-evaluation of what landscape could mean. Doing a bit of research on the word “Landscape”, I learnt that the American understanding actually derived from the German geographical term “landschaft”, which means a restricted piece of land; on the other hand, in English, it has a double meaning, which extends to mean “appearance of a land as we perceive it”. Spirn precisely tackles this aesthetic side of landscape to structure a new way of understanding landscape. Beginning from the very first chapter, I was already captivated by her unique analogy between landscape and language : landscape has all the characteristics of language – basic grammar structure and formation, pattern, shape and function. I thought it was ingenious how she refers elements such as wind, rocks, water and trees as fundamental grammar, while additional man-built environments as the combination of words to make sense and meanings of the grammar and phrases themselves. She succinctly points out that landscape is “pragmatic, poetic, rhetorical, polemical. Landscape is scene of life, cultivated construction, carrier of meaning. It is language” [15]. It was great to see that she mentioned the sacred garden at Ryoanji in Japan as I have been there myself and have conducted a study on the Zen elements of rock garden in my Japanese History class before. The intentional exclusion of trees and water in a garden was prominent in Zen garden, which strives for simplicity, this proves Spirn's reference to how garden design could be a way of interaction between human and the environment.
Growing up in a condense city Hong Kong, Spirn's writing also provokes me to ponder upon the idea of urban-planning which is based on the merging of man-built and natural elements; Spirn points out “it is a radical theory [that landscape is language] in the sense of … demanding and enabling radical change in how we choose to think and act... to call some landscapes natural and other artificial or cultural misses the truth that landscapes are never wholly one or the other” [8]. Not only does this reflect that our modern thinking has advanced regarding urban-development based on ecological measurements as well as sustainability, moreover, people are more aware of the knowledge that urban and natural environment, nature and cultural structures are in fact forever interwoven entities that depend on each other. After reading this book, I truly believe and experienced that it is not enough to study landscape as a scenic text, a more substantial understanding would require not only focusing on the country or in the city, but must incorporate the mutual definition and interdependence of both.
Returning to the way of narrative that we discussed in class last week, Sprin's way of narrating is highly effective for me : firstly, her intentional emphasis on employing description to provoke emotional thinking in us readers ingeniously make the process of reading this book parallel to the actual experience of being in a landscape; secondly, Spirn inserts into the book many of her own photographs collection and landscape plans, which allow us to be in direct contact and engagement with different landscapes across time and locations.
The next book that I read was Imagining Serengeti: A History of Landscape Memory in Tanzania from Earliest Times to the Present” by Jan Shetler, in which she tries to re-discover human history in this Eastern Africa area. To me, Serengeti is a more familiar sounding area in Africa due to current media's constant portrayal of its abundant wildlife environment, as well as countless international green organizations' focus on the human rights and wilderness conservation debate. Due to this common image of Serengeti as a wilderness, it was surprising for me to learn from Shetler that this signature wilderness is actually part of the colonial conservation policy, which entirely neglects this area's indigenous social and ecological history. For example, Shetler mentions that the colonial legal authorities' power to criminalize local hunting in the Serengeti as a way to preserve this nature, however, until it was fully renationalized in the 1950s, all the hunting laws were actually unenforceable and that natives in the western Serengeti would hunt for the sake of both food-provision for the households and to earn their own wealth, which makes perfect sense for a community living in such wilderness. It was more horrifying for me to learn that by the end of the 1950s, strong political power forced the National Park to become an ideal untouched wilderness, resulting in the Nyerere government's involuntary acceptance; due to Tanzania's large-scale relocation project in the late 1970s, the government was forcing all these indigenous people away from the National park's western boundary, completely erasing the shared historical memory of this sacred space. All these references by Shetler remind me of our last week's discussion on Mcgregor's “The Victoria Falls 1900-1940”, just like how Mcgregor ended the article by showing improvements shown by the government in conserving indigenous history, especially that of the people who lived there, Shetler focuses on learning the oral history of the forgotten population that lived in the Western Seregenti, which namely are the Nata, Ikizu and Ngrome people etc which brings to another feature that I found intriguing in Shetler's writing : her very refreshing way of narratives by a bulk collection of oral histories of the elderlies.
“Core spatial imagery” is crucial to Shetler's way of re-telling these elderlies' stories, this notion places emphasis on the preservation of landscape health, which leads to the everyday life of food security. Here, this very idea proves to me the importance of landscape or border conservation for the people as, since as hedge against possible famines and droughts, people would root their religious belief and spirituality in certain areas, which they faithfully believed possess the power of fertility and stability. Together, along with the well-known natural disasters such as drought and disease epidemics in the Western Serengeti, territories protection and claims of landscapes became a much more priority for people living there, constantly striving to pronounce their ethnic boundaries. Going back to Shetler's narrative of story-collecting, it was amazing how she revealed to us indirectly what is the supposedly “natural wilderness” form of Serengeti by using these elders' stories to revisit the abandoned ritual sites and hunting groups, which are now legally and forcefully incorporated into the greater Serengeti “man-made” wilderness. Her methodology in composing this book seems to ingeniously parallel her critique over the Colonial authorities : the book could not reveal the whole truth without the addition of these indigenous elders' stories, just like how the Western-style conservation of the Serengeti National Park could never be truly successful without incorporating the collective social memory of this sacred place.

Sunday, October 3, 2010

Africamap and Senses : understanding the relationship between Landscape and Body in Dogon, Mali

After a few weeks of lectures and readings, things start to really make sense for me and get into pattern. Little did I know that last week's lecture would have a continuing and vital effect on my preparation for this blog. I am actually referring to our previous reading on Bassett's "Indigenous Mapmaking in inter tropical Africa". Now the question comes : how is Bassett's article in Mapmaking in anyway related to "Senses"? The connection is a fundamental one: my pre-conception of definition of westernized ideology. I remember being intrigued by Bassett's emphasis on understanding things from an African perspective, since the nowadays recognized and westernized "definition" of certain ideologies might not necessarily be the norm in certain indigenous cultures. Just like how Bassett points out that Mapmaking could extend to Rock Art and Body tattoos from an African perspective, I started to wonder what "Senses" could mean to them. Prior trying to search for these traits of senses on Africamap, it was vital for me to grasp a sense of African Senses, especially in Mali. Fortunately, this week's reading on senses by Geurts touches exactly upon West Africa, of which Mali and my focus area Dogon are located.

It was a very refreshing re-definiation of my knowledge of "senses" as Guerts describes what she calls the "sensorium" of the Eve, including their ways of classifying and attending to bodily sensory receptors with cultural meanings. I never knew that Anlo-Ewe people would consider abilities such as speaking and balance to be part of their "senses". What inspires me the most was actually Guerts' opening story of her bodily "bolt" experience with the "Rock"; enlarging this idea to my area of focus - Mali, Dogon, I can't escape the image of the prominent Dogon Cliffs. I start to question : what would be the best and most inclusive way to study the relationship between senses and Dogon landscape? I reached the conclusion of discovering the relationship between human bodies and landscapes there; while this cosmological relationship is a metaphorical one, I believe that it does parallel Guerts' notion of "seselalame".  In fact, this was slightly exemplified in Bassett's reading, which relates parts of a granary to parts of a woman, the parts of the house compound with parts of the body cosmological signs and the village explained in terms of an extended anatomical metaphor.

By placing my above ideas onto Africamap, the first thing that I find helpful in tracking these "senses" are "2. Cities, villages, populated places, etc" functions under the "Places" tab, it allows me to locate where the population lives, and since their homes often refer to important relationship between the landscape the the human body, it is vital to have these areas in mind. Here is a screenshot of what I got:

Cities, villages, populated places, etc. in Mali 

Moving on, another useful feature that I found is the "Settlement Patterns" function under the "Map Layers tap"; by downloading the 3D version of it onto GoogleEarth, I got to distinguish clearly between permanent and non-permanent settlement areas, which were useful as I would think that permanent settlements are areas which would reflect most cultural ideologies. The Dogon Plateau falls into the purple region, which denotes "Nom ad or fully migratory". 
Settlement Patterns, Mali

However, for some reasons, the references link for all the "References" under "Ethno-Classifications" are not working at all, I suspect it could be a technical problem. I wish to access them some time in the future because I would like to read deeper into how and what sources they use to determine the settlement patterns as well as the prevailing type of dwelling; once the references are found, it would be very easy and effective to locate the exact villages, as well as photos of them that could be useful to my study. 

One thing that I am not too sure how to function on Africamap is the "zooming-in" of the actual landscapes there, so for now, I decided to try to use MyMap on google to see if I could find any actual landscapes on the map there, by zooming into Dogon Plateau and using the "Photo" function, MyMap displays some landmarks around the area,
Dogon Plateau, MyMaps
I am guessing that the photos feature reveal the fact that I cannot actually zoom into physical size of the landscapes of Dogon, however, I will instead find certain villages that I would like to study, then post their photos up onto MyMaps, and can then combine the features of Africamap together via Google Earth. While this week I did encounter many technical difficulties with Africamap, I am glad that I got to pinpoint precisely what "senses" would mean to me, as well as Dogon's landscapes. I am pretty confident and happy that I will be studying the cosmological relationship between Dogon's landscapes (which in a large part is their living areas) and the human bodies; I am sure that Bassett's reading as well as Guerts' will contribute significantly to my final research.
Last but not the last, here's a glimpse of what my final project will be focus on,

Tiogou, Mali